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Religiosity:
A Significant Factor in the Social and Emotional Development of American
Adolescents
Research
Paper By Ray
Anderson February 2009
Introduction
In spite of the Western World’s growing tide of secularism,
individualism, multiculturalism, and general tolerance for things that
were once marginalized by conservative social mores, religiosity among
today’s American adolescents appears to be thriving. In a 1992 poll,
95% of teenagers declared a belief in God. 93% of the sample stated
their belief that God loved them. Another 93% said they belonged to a
religious group, and 80% indicated religion as an important component in
their lives (Gallup & Bezilla, 1992). Religiosity, “the extent to
which an individual is committed to the religion he or she professes and
its teaching, such that his or her attitudes and behaviors reflect this
commitment (Pearce, Little, & Perez, 2003),” is alive and well in
the
According to
research findings in the last couple of decades, this is, for the most
part, good news for the social and emotional development of adolescents.
Far from being viewed as a pathway to pathology, social scientists now
place religiosity in its rightful place as an important factor for
healthy youth development and an indicator of well-being across the
lifespan (Frank & Kendall, 2001). But as with most things, there is
a flip-side to this body of research. Many American youth have
experienced the effects of religious strain, a factor shown to
negatively affect adolescent social and emotional development (Exline,
2002). This paper will explore the empirical evidence for both the positive and the pathological in adolescent religiosity. To put the findings in better perspective, it will be helpful to present a simple, fictitious case study of two religious adolescent siblings, Jill and Jason Peterson. Before introducing Jill and Jason, it is important to first paint an adequate picture of the Peterson household. The
Peterson Family
Jim Peterson, father of Jill and Jason, has been a resident of
The Peterson’s
faith has far-reaching consequences for the development of their 7
children. According to a recent adolescent study, utilizing both survey
data and personal interviews, Mormons and Evangelicals are more likely
than mainline Protestants to hold exclusivist beliefs, meaning that they
see their belief system as “true” while seeing others’ as false,
or at least further from the truth (Trinitapoli, 2007). In the same
study, Trinitapoli discovered that approximately 53% of Mormon
adolescent respondents fell into a “committed exclusivist” category,
a higher percentage than any other religious group sampled (compare this
with 5% of Jewish adolescent respondents). This means that Mormon
adolescents were more likely than their counterparts to believe that
only one religion is true, and that this one, true religion, with all
its various doctrines and tenets, must be embraced in its entirety.
As with other
“strict” sects, the Mormon Church not only provides the Peterson
family with a bedrock of impenetrable truth, but it also creates a more
comprehensive social environment for them (Lannaccone, 1988). The
Petersons are actively engaged in many worthwhile and enjoyable
activities and programs, like Family Home Evening, Young Men/Young
Women, and the Relief Society. This rich, religious culture has
positively molded and shaped the Peterson children in ways that Jim and
Melissa could never have done on their own. However, their rigid
commitment to the church and its beliefs places the Peterson family at
risk for conflict with others in their community, and worse, with
members of their own family (Exline, 2002). Jill
Peterson
Jill’s religious journey thus far has been all her parents
could have hoped for. While far from perfect, she is an attractive,
talented, vivacious 18 year-old who recently graduated from high school.
Jill prays and meditates regularly, senses an intimate, emotional
connection to God, and firmly believes she in on earth for a distinct
purpose, all things which contribute to the elevated level of support
she enjoys in her religious walk (Van Dyke & Elias, 2007). When she
does make mistakes that cause her to feel guilty, Jill consistently
appeals to God and senses that she is forgiven. She has developed a firm
conviction in the doctrines of the church and embraces the traditional
historical narratives about how the church formed and developed. What
Jill does not understand, she accepts on faith, embracing Mormonism as
a whole (Trinitapoli, 2007).
Jill Peterson has
what members of her church would describe as a “testimony” of the
truthfulness of the restored gospel. Her faith has been strengthened by
the many gratifying emotional experiences she has had attending girl’s
camp, performing vicarious baptismal ordinances for her ancestors, and
sharing her testimony with her peers at numerous youth meetings. Through
these and other encounters, Jill has forged lasting and meaningful
friendships in her local congregation (or ward, in Mormon terminology),
a facet of adolescent religiosity that likely has the greatest impact on
psychological well-being (Pearce, Little, & Perez, 2003). These
relationships, along with Jill’s convictions, helped her to develop
into one of the more “well-adjusted” students in her high school
(Frank & Kendall, 2001).
Because Jill’s
religiosity is so complete, both intrinsically and extrinsically, she is
imbued with a profound sense of self-esteem (Milvesky & Levitt,
2004). Her religious commitment has also helped her foster healthy
behaviors, including the ability to control her impulses more
effectively than those of her peers that lack the same religious
connection (Gartner & Allen, 1991). When other teenagers were
inclined to “dive in” and experiment with a number of newly
discovered risky behaviors, Jill fell back on her faith and resisted the
temptation. It was not always easy to do, however, as not all of her good friends shared her beliefs. Even a couple of her long-time Mormon friends were caught up in experimentation with drug use. This was a confusing and conflicting time for her, but Jill’s innate sense of divine purpose ultimately deterred her from involvement (Minehan, Newcomb, & Galaif, 2000). She also drew strength from her long-time friendships in the ward. These girls were aware of her circumstances, and rushed to support her. They encouraged her to focus on participation in the upcoming activities planned for her youth group, a strategy that turned out to help Jill keep her standards at a time when she was most vulnerable (Lee, Rice & Gillespie, 1997).
Jill’s positive
peer network, cohesive family, and participation in church-based,
parent/child shared activities have proven to be formidable protective
factors against risky sexual behavior, as well (Manlove, Logan, Moore
& Ikramullah, 2008). Still, there were times where she might have
failed to remain chaste. Though she had dated many boys in her years in
school, and was generally in control of her sexual impulses, she had a
particularly difficult time with Jake, a fellow member of the church
attending her rival high school. She really felt that she loved him, and
found it near impossible to suppress her growing desire for physical
intimacy with him. At times, they would become too affectionate, and go
beyond what Jill was comfortable with, causing her to feel remorse. When
this would happen, Jill would promptly ask God for forgiveness and find
relief.
Jill’s devotion to
Mormonism has not come without a social price, however. Her close
alignment to an exclusive sect like Mormonism has increased her risk of
external conflict and social strain (Exline, 2002), in spite of her
gregarious and affable nature. Jill has always tried to accept people
for who they are and has generally been very forgiving and
compassionate, but as a faithful adherent to the three missions of the
Mormon Church (Perfecting the Saints, Proclaiming the Gospel, and
Redeeming the Dead), Jill is also burdened with an urgency to share the
saving message of the restored gospel with others, regardless of what
may follow. As a result of doing so, Jill has at times been teased and
discriminated against (Exline, 2002).
In light of her
generation’s emphasis on religious pluralism and social tolerance,
however, she finds it difficult to strike the tenuous balance between
interpersonal sensitivity and uncompromising dedication to truth. Jill
is a paradox – subconsciously assimilating the contemporary values of
social, cultural, and religious diversity while at the same time
espousing beliefs that would limit such diversity. Thus, she is often
conflicted and hesitant when speaking with non-member friends about her
religion. She finds herself modifying her statements for fear she might
offend them (Trinitapoli, 2007). Then again, if she “softens her
position,” and by chance fails to clearly articulate the message that
accepting Mormonism is necessary for the fullness of salvation, then she
will have compromised her faith. Jill is therefore conspicuously
uncomfortable with “meeting in the middle” after engaging in futile
religious debates with her non-Mormon friends (Exline, 2002).
Exline also points
out that religious strain can result from worrying about the welfare of
unbelieving family members. This could not be more true for Jill. Once
Jason Peterson’s story comes into full view, the reasons will be
obvious. As Jason’s story is somewhat more complicated, he will be
given more attention than Jill. Jason
Peterson
Jason is 4 years older than Jill. The 3rd child in the
Peterson family, Jason has changed dramatically since his days as a
bright-eyed, cub scout. Even at eight years of age, he was inquisitive,
observant, and unusually abstract in his thinking, all qualities that
likely fueled his later metamorphosis. Jason was particularly close to
Jill, readily volunteering to drive her to her various activities,
listening to her when she felt discouraged, and providing much needed
support and advice when she was not sure what course to take in a
difficult situation. Sometimes they would sit in the driveway and talk
for hours before going inside the house. This bond is part of the reason why Jill is so devastated and perplexed by Jason’s transformation. She doesn’t understand how he could have changed – how he could have departed from everything he knows to be true. His parents are equally confused, as Jason was one of the most well-behaved children, and seemed to be one of the seven that Jim and Melissa Peterson would have to worry least about. But at twenty-two, Jason Peterson is a changed man, for better or for worse. His religious journey, while shocking and deeply disappointing to his Mormon friends and family members, is one that is not uncommon among American young people today. Like many of his peers, Jason’s religious beliefs are now “highly individualized,” having drifted from the black-and-white religious socialization of his youth to a place where skepticism and relativistic thinking are virtues (Arnett & Jensen, 2002).
To understand better
how Jason came to this place in his life, it is important to go back to
his middle childhood years. While generally supportive and a paragon of
devotion to religious principals and righteous living, Jason’s father,
Jim Peterson, was stretched thin with all he had to do: spending long
hours at the office, traveling for work, carrying out the duties of his
calling (volunteer service position) as a youth leader in his ward, and
doing his best to properly raise seven children. As a result, there were
times that Jason was necessarily looked over.
As stated before,
Jason was a uniquely inquisitive boy, and often endeavored to ask his
father questions about the gospel, especially relating to the principle
of obedience. Jason often wanted to know why
he was to do the things he was asked to do, not out of
rebelliousness, but out of a desire for information. When Jason did
ask his father questions, Jim would often take the “because I said
so” approach, instead of seizing a legitimate, teachable moment. At
other times, Jim would unwittingly feed Jason’s steadily emerging
“negative God image” (Francis, Gibson & Robbins, 2001) by
issuing curt responses such as, “if you don’t do it, Heavenly Father
will be disappointed in you,” or “if you don’t willingly obey
God’s commandments, you will not be able to live with the rest of us
in heaven.” In doing so, Jim subconsciously and inadvertently
portrayed God as one that “punishes,” as opposed to one that is
compassionate and forgiving – the God his daughter, Jill, embraces. This negative God image was only reinforced further when Jason began to attend seminary in 9th grade, an elective component of his freshman curriculum focusing on Mormon religious education. Jason’s class studied the Old Testament that year, and while students were encouraged to read the entire book, most hardly touched it. But Jason was not a typical seminary student; he read just over half of the entire cannon. While others in his class were perfecting their “scripture chasing” skills (the ability to find key passages quickly) and listening to particularly positive, faith-promoting stories, Jason was preoccupied with what he had read at home.
Jason’s study of
the Old Testament had revealed a much different God than what was being
discussed during class. What he saw was a God of vengeance, intolerance,
and cruelty (Exline, 2002). He could not understand why a loving God
would command a nation to entirely wipe out another; why He would
condone a righteous man offering up his innocent daughters to a mob of
lustful men; and why He would be pleased when another righteous man
ritually sacrificed one of his own daughters. Even at age 14, Jason’s
God and Jill’s God were steadily drifting apart.
One disturbing
discovery led to another, and Jason’s desire to make sense of them
soon led to “congregational conflict,” an aspect of religious strain
that can negatively affect life-satisfaction (Murray & Ciarrocchi,
2007) and lead to depressive symptoms (Pearce, Little & Perez,
2003). In his mid-to-late adolescent years, Jason began to ask some very
tough questions during church meetings, questions that were usually
followed by awkward silence and palpable tension. When answers were
given, they were usually in the form of trite platitudes or admissions
of ignorance. Either way, Jason usually found little satisfaction from
asking. As Jason got older, the strain intensified, leading to a few
confrontations with his peers that seriously affected Jason’s comfort
level at church, and for the first time in his life, Jason felt the
pangs of depression. Though Jason’s parents could see that he was
“down,” and were aware that he had what they considered a “few,
benign scriptural concerns,” they were completely unaware that he was
nearing a social and emotional boiling point. Though it did not drive him from church activity or prevent him from later going on a mission for the church, the experience that drove the greatest wedge between young Jason and his God came at age 16. Similar to his sister, Jason also struggled to control his emerging sexuality. He was never one to have many girlfriends; he was more inclined to date around and have fun in groups. Nonetheless, like many other Mormon boys his age, he wrestled against a seemingly insurmountable flow of impure thoughts. Try as he might, he could not help but entertain many of them, sometimes consciously, other times during sleep. The associated guilt was at times unbearable, despite the repeated concessions by church leaders that while such thoughts should be driven out quickly from the mind, they are nonetheless natural to have. Ironically, research shows that Jason’s fixation on stemming the flow of sexually impure thoughts contributed to the likelihood that they would flow all the stronger, an example of an “ironic process” (Exline & Wegner, 1994).
As the failures
mounted, so did the self-condemnation and eventual hopelessness (Exline,
2002). By comparison, Jason’s bout with guilt was far more damaging
than what Jill experienced several years later, which speaks clearly to
the divide between how Jill and Jason see God (forgiving vs. punitive).
Unlike Jill’s experience with prayer, when Jason would pour out his
heart to God, he was answered with cold silence. Whether he was asking
for strength to resist or forgiveness for his weaknesses, he felt
nothing from the divine, which only reinforced what he already knew by
sad experience – at best God is distant, at worst he is cruel.
Completely
frustrated by his inability to control his thoughts, burdened by
self-imposed guilt, and disheartened by the absence of heavenly
assistance, Jason turned for the first time from depression to rage. He
impulsively decided to fight God, and unbeknownst to his parents,
immediately set out on what any devout Mormon would consider to be a
spiritually destructive path. Jason began attending parties, where he
would frequently become intoxicated, something that is strictly
forbidden for members of the Mormon Church. Through his new network of
friends, he met and became sexually active with a young girl who also
attended these parties. These sexual encounters continued for some time,
but as with other adolescent boys from religious families who are more
likely than their peers to engage in unsafe sex, Jason rarely, if ever,
used contraceptives (Manlove, Logan, Moore & Ikramullah, 2008).
Although Jason soon
after left his girlfriend and eventually repented of his wayward
behavior, the guilt never fully left him, nor did the gnawing sense of
resentment toward God and the unresponsive members of the church. The
discord between Jason and other members of his faith only increased when
he began to witness church-member hypocrisy, a factor that can
negatively affect confidence in religion (Exline, 2002). Jason
discovered that one of his local Priesthood leaders had been molesting
children for at least 5 years, and was facing prosecution. During this
time, this leader had counseled Jason in moral matters and had given him
personalized blessings, both official duties that require the highest
level of personal worthiness. Needless to say, Jason was devastated by
the news.
Jason witnessed more
hypocrisy at 19 years of age when he served a mission for the church in
After his return
from
Had his world-view
not suffered tiny fractures from years of religious strain, Jason might
have been able to stay within the “sacred umbrella” of his own
religious tradition, a cognitive shelter where just enough global
perspective is employed to convince oneself of his or her religion’s
elevated place in the cosmos, but not enough to threaten one’s
exclusivist paradigm (Trinitapoli, 2007). As things stand now, Jason
respects the pro-social teachings of all faiths, but embraces none of
them as “true.” In fact, Jason is not altogether sure about the
existence of God anymore. Jason increasingly views with suspicion those
who, like many that belong to the church of his childhood, prefer
religious dogma over empirical evidence and common-sense philosophy (Exline,
2002).
As a result of
Jason’s religious restructuring, Jason and Jill’s relationship, once
a source of warmth, love, and support, is now broken at best. They
certainly still love one another, and ironically, that love is what has
contributed most to the contentious spirit that has characterized their
conversations for the last year. Jill feels that she can not stand idly
by why his soul slips away into spiritual oblivion. She must get through
to him, no matter how it affects their relationship. At the same time,
Jason struggles to contain his deep desire to share this new spiritual
journey with her. He would love nothing more than to call her up and
discuss new ideas and perspectives on philosophy, religion, and life in
general. As it stands now, however, Jason realizes that Jill’s pain is
too deep to risk heading in that direction. He knows he must keep his
peace for now, and try to remember that Jill’s attacks, if they can be
called that, come from a place of fear and genuine concern, not of
judgment and disdain. Conclusion The two preceding narratives offer an intimate look into the lives of two American adolescents whose social and emotional development have been greatly affected by their religious upbringing, one the product of positive religiosity and the other of negative. While Jill and Jason Peterson are fictitious characters, their stories are based on real-life adolescent religious experience. Granted, most young people likely fall somewhere in between these two extremes, but there are some that find themselves firmly on one side or the other, willfully or reluctantly engaged in ideological trench warfare.
From a psychological
perspective, victory on the battlefield of faith is not what is relevant
to healthy adolescent development. It
is all about the journey, not
the final destination. The fact is, positive religiosity has been
empirically proven to make that life journey a very fulfilling one for
many American adolescents. For those adolescents that experience
negative religiosity, their paths have been empirically proven to
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